Showing posts with label university. Show all posts
Showing posts with label university. Show all posts

Thursday, February 13, 2014

No To Napolitano Coalition


Undemocratic Appointment Process
According to the Los Angeles Times, UC Regents voted on Napolitanos’ appointment only one week after the announcement of her recommendation. In the official announcement, the Regents stated the following: “Note to reporters: Out of respect for the appointment process, neither Napolitano nor the University of California will comment further until after the regents have acted on her recommended appointment.” A small committee comprised of less than half the regents, selected in a top-down process, recommended and appointed the UC president. It is clear that from this statement that student input was effectively barred. Student participation is limited to one Student Regent, who is also undemocratically appointed. This process does not include a stipulation to consider campus-wide debate or commentary from students, faculty, or campus workers. More alarmingly, “[h]alf of the regents [had not] even had a chance to talk to her about how she would approach the job”.[1] The closed process was defended by The Regents as a means to not ‘scare off’ prime candidates. This claim is absurd given that most universities have open presidential processes.[2]


Regent Richard Blum, the main driving force behind the privatization and corporate reorganization of the UC system, was central in proposing Napolitano. Richard Blum’s history includes firing Robert Dynes, leading the search for Mark Yudof, and encouraging Yudof's resignation before overseeing the "search" for Napolitano. Though the Regents state this was done through a headhunting agency, Blum was instrumental in the final decision. Blum also headed the committee which sought out and eventually hired Nicholas Dirks, the current Chancellor at UC Berkeley. Dirks and Blum’s acquaintanceship began as members of the Council on Foreign Relations, a group largely consisting of bankers and developers. This all seems to indicate that central decisions for filling the highest-ranking positions in the UC system continue to be implemented by those who stand to profit from privatization.[3]

Militarization and Privatization Record
As the head of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), Janet Napolitano increased militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border and expanded the privatization of detention centers made to confine undocumented people. These decisions led to an increase in human rights abuses such as years-long detentions without legal representation - with some cases resulting in death.

This is indicative Napolitano’s long history of neglecting individual’s rights for the benefit of private firms. During her tenure as head of the DHS in 2011, a record number of 429,000 people were detained by ICE when border migration was at a record low. During this time, investors with stakes in detention centers generated $2 billion dollars of taxpayer money. Investors continue to gain from new security measures, such as biometric technology, supported by Napolitano. The new immigration legislation she has been pushing through Congress will increase the amount of “immigration offenders” to be placed in federal prison by 14,000 annually and will double border guards to 40,000.[4] Essentially, Napolitano criminalized immigrants to further police their movement not just at the border as a preventative measure, but to imprison them in order to use their labor. She further militarized the U.S.-Mexico border by incrementally increasing the deployment of border guards. “The number of Border Patrol agents deployed nationwide has seen a five-fold increase over the two past decades. In FY 1993, there were 4,208 Border Patrol agents, a number that increased to 10,045 by FY 2002, and to 17,499 by FY 2008. At the end of FY 2012, the number of Border Patrol agents stood at 21,394”. [5] Recent quota and incentive systems for Border Patrol agencies operating within the country have seen the distribution of cash bonuses, vacation awards and gift cards up to $100. Some sectors of upstate New York have even spent up to $200,000 dollars on their awards program.

Obama administration officials have implied that Congress required them to set the 400,000-per-year deportation goal. However, the only plausible Congressional "mandate" was from then-Democratic Senator Robert Byrd’s revision to the 2009 DHS appropriations bill. It requires that ICE agents fill prison beds for a minimum of 34,000 potential deportees — at an average daily cost of about $5 million.[6] This legislation greatly benefits the powerful and influential for-profit prison industry, which invests millions on DC lobbyists.

The industry is essentially controlled by a monopoly consisting of three companies: Corrections Corporation of America, The GEO Group, and Management and Training Corp. These companies have jointly spent up to $45 million on campaign donations at the state and federal level within the last decade. There is a strong likelihood that these funds are supporting Napolitano’s policies, which directly promote their interests. As a consequence of increased detentions, the amount a US taxpayer pays nightly for the detention of undocumented peoples has risen from $80 in 2004 to $166. At least half of this money goes to the detention centers listed above. As a legal resident detained in CCA jails for 19 months for missing an asylum application hearing noted, “It’s a millionaires’ business, and they are living off profits from each one of the people who go through there each and every night...It’s our money we earn as taxpayers every day that goes to finance this.”[7]

At the local level, Napolitano has strengthened ICE and local police collaboration through programs such as Secure Communities, whose function is to terrorize, incarcerate, and deport individuals likely to end up in GEO or CCA jails. Less than one-third of those deported had criminal records as this program essentially criminalizes undocumented folks for the profits of private companies. Federal prosecutors increasingly charge immigrants with felonies for repeatedly entering the country without papers. This reflects that the actual purpose of criminalizing migrants is not to deter illegal border crossings, but to funnel people into detention centers for profit. This increase in convicting thousands of people for unlawful re-entry and other federal offenses works in tandem with private prisons specifically constructed for their detainment and immobilization. When US policy incentivizes the incarceration of those seeking economic opportunities and refuge, the growth of an already-established, profit-driven, private-public partnership takes priority over human well-being and safety from violence.[8] Janet Napolitano has advanced her career by amplifying the expansion of this process, simultaneously citing her technocratic role in the system to avoid accountability.

The UC system’s most powerful leader and representative has substantial stake not in education and social inclusion, but in military and exclusionary political practices.


NSA/Surveillance
Janet Napolitano was the head of one of the largest known intelligence collection agencies: The Department of Homeland Security. DHS facilitated data exchange amongst U.S. major security and intelligence services including the CIA, FBI and the NSA. It has created the most sophisticated means of collecting information on people living in the U.S., citizens and non-citizens alike, to date.

One example is the Nationwide SAR (Suspicious Activity Reporting) initiative which has substantially expanded the scope of surveillance in the U.S. This initiative operates through “fusion centers” that enable the sharing of information at all levels of government, making “terrorism-related” information available to federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies. The type of data that can be collected on individuals has extended from criminal records to public and private sector data. There could be SAR information on you, but you would never know. This is because SAR-related records are designated by the DHS as “exempt from the access and correction provisions of the Privacy Act.”[9] This surveillance program lacks clear regulatory standards, meaning there is greater likelihood for civil rights abuses and the targeting of pre-criminalized groups and communities. For example, recent revelations indicate that the NYPD used these legal frameworks to target Mosques and Muslim organizations by deeming them ‘terrorist enterprises,’ thereby allowing them to infiltrate and surveil without criminal charges.[10] This program also includes the If You See Something, Say Something Campaign, meant to encourage ordinary people to report any “suspicious” activity as pre-operational terrorist planning.

PBS reports: “ACLU policy counsel Michael German argue[s] that the imperative to gather as much information as possible, with relatively vague guidance, can lead to abuses. He cites a Maryland case, where 53 activists primarily affiliated with anti-death penalty, environmental, racial justice and anti-war groups were the subjects of an elaborate 14-month covert surveillance program by the Maryland State Police.[11] People organizing social justice campaigns were surveilled and characterized as terrorists by police. Janet Napolitano’s agency took part in activity that targeted individuals for their political, religious and ethnic identities and affiliations. Furthermore, she has strongly advocated for the punishment of individuals such as Edward Snowden, who has exposed institutional attacks on civil liberties. This indicates her complicity in the gross expansion of the security state.[12]

Hierarchy of the Department of Homeland Security

Human Rights Record

Less people are crossing the border, yet more people are either dying or being locked up in the process of crossing the border. A dramatic increase in prosecution comes at a time when border crossings are at an all-time low.[13] Bloomberg reported a 72 percent increase in daily detentions from 2005 to 2013--partly under Napolitano’s leadership. Quotas were imposed by a bed mandate requiring ICE to keep at least 33,400 undocumented folks in detention at all times.[14] The mandate formally criminalizes and subsequently deports undocumented folks.

The East Bay Express reports that “immigrants were arrested and put into deportation proceedings for minor crimes such as driving with a broken taillight, driving without a license, or loitering… 60 percent of Secure Communities deportees were people who had committed no crime or very minor crimes.”. Secure Communities is a deportation program spearheaded by Napolitano which encourages racial profiling and lacks due process, meeting criticism from civil rights organizations across the U.S. Conviction of minor crimes can lead to imprisonment in facilities such as the infamous Sheriff Arpaio’s tent city jails (capacity: ~2,000). (Napolitano’s and Arpaio’s political relationship is worthy of a more in-depth review, though it is beyond the scope of this particular report.) The following quote from the Express is indicative of the program’s impact and organizing objective of detainment and profiling: “A study released by the UC Berkeley School of Law in 2011 found that only 52 percent of Secure Communities arrestees were scheduled to have a hearing before a judge; that about 88,000 families that included US citizens had a family member arrested under the Secure Communities program; and that ICE wrongly arrested roughly 3,600 US citizens through the program.” [15]

Border crossing deaths were a record high at 477 in 2012. The National Foundation for American Policy reports that “an immigrant attempting to cross illegally into the United States today [in 2012] is 8 times more likely to die in the attempt than approximately a decade ago.”[16] It is not possible for us to put faces to these deaths, but we can provide some of the names and causes of death available, so to recognize the humanity of those who have died. The following names belong to some of the approximated 40 who died in detention during 2012: Hector Mosley, born 1947 in Panama, Samou Fankeu, born 1966 in Cameroon, and 4 others died of AIDS in detention. We can only imagine the lack of medical attention received in detention centers. Sebastian Mejia Vicentes, born 1977 in Mexico, along with 17 others, died of Asphyxia--a vaguely stated cause of death. This information was recorded in an ICE report listing detainee deaths from 2003 to 2013.[17]

A civil suit filed against Janet Napolitano by the immigrant rights network Families For Freedom reports that her agency detained a Nigerian national named Rafiu Abimbola for more than six years. The FFF also reports that Napolitano’s agency detained a permanent resident named Camal Marchabeyoglu multiple times for up to six years. According to the 2013 report “uncovering USBP [United States Border Control]” by Families Freedom, “USBP’s policies result in the wrongful arrest, detention, and harassment of hundreds of lawfully present individuals”. This one example of the thousands of legal and permanent residents detained annually. Although these individual migrants’ cases occurred before Napolitano’s appointment, she did nothing to change the policies that enabled these human rights violations during her term. Rather, she expanded the detention of immigrants in facilities controlled by different entities. This has led to the mistreatment and abuse of many detainees. The FFF civil suit report comments that “[i]mmigrant detainees have been subjected to verbal and physical abuse and denied adequate medical care.”[18] United States Border Patrol agents are also given cash bonus incentives at the discretion of their station managers. These discretionary cash bonuses are not required to meet any set of criteria in order to be awarded, nor is the amount awarded specified.[19]


Sources
Anderson, Stuart. "How Many More Deaths? The Moral Case for a Temporary Worker Program." National Foundation for American Policy. NFAP Policy Brief, Mar. 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014.
<http://www.nfap.com/pdf/NFAP%20Policy%20Brief%20Moral%20Case%20For%20a%20Temporary%20Worker%20Program%20March%202013.pdf>.

Bates, Ashley. "The Napolitano Files." East Bay Express. N.p., 22 Jan. 2014. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/the-napolitano-files/Content?oid=3816442>.

Board, The Times Editorial. "Why the Rush on Napolitano?" Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 17 July 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/editorials/la-ed-napolitano-university-of-california-20130717%2C0%2C7835174.story>.

Chen, Michelle. "‘Bargain’ on Immigration Would Feed Prison Profits." In These Times. N.p., 26 July 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://inthesetimes.com/article/15359/bargain_on_immigration_would_feed_prison_profits/>.

"Deportations by Fiscal Year." Immigration Reform Americas Voice. N.p., n.d. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://americasvoice.org/content/deportations_by_fiscal_year/>.

"Families for Freedom Et Al., Plaintiffs, v. Janet Napolitano." The Civil Rights Litigation Clearing House. University of Michigan Law School, 25 June 2009. Web. <http://www.clearinghouse.net/chDocs/public/IM-NY-0045-0005.pdf>.

Goldman, Adam, and Matt Apuzo. "NYPD Designates Mosques As Terrorism Organizations." The Big Story. N.p., 28 Aug. 2013. Web. 05 Feb. 2014. <http://bigstory.ap.org/article/nypd-designates-mosques-terrorism-organizations>.

"List of Deaths in ICE Custody." US Immigration and Customs Enforcement. N.p., 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/detaineedeaths2003-present.pdf>.

Meranze, Michael. "The Napolitano Appointment and the Regents' Rejection of the University ~ Remaking the University." Remaking The University. N.p., 21 July 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://utotherescue.blogspot.com/2013/07/the-napolitano-appointment-and-regents.html>.

Pengelly, Martin. "Napolitano: NSA Whistleblower Edward Snowden Should Not Be given Clemency." Theguardian.com. Guardian News and Media, 05 Jan. 2014.

"Regents Policy 7101: Policy on Appointment of the President of the University." Board of Regents. N.p., n.d. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/governance/policies/7101.html>.

Selway, William, and Margaret Newkirk. "Congress's Illegal-Immigration Detention Quota Costs $2 Billion a Year." Bloomberg Business Week. Bloomberg, 26 Sept. 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2013-09-26/congresss-illegal-immigration-detention-quota-costs-2-billion-a-year>.

Schoenfelder, Anna, and Natasha Rivera Silber. "Uncovering USBP: Bonus Programs for United States Border Patrol Agents and the Arrest of Lawfully Present Individuals." Families for Freedom. FFF & NYU Law, Jan. 2013. Web. <http://familiesforfreedom.org/sites/default/files/resources/Uncovering%20USBP-FFF%20Report%202013.pdf>.

Shen, Aviva. "Despite All-Time Low Border Crossings, Obama Administration Will Prosecute A Record Number Of Migrants This Year." ThinkProgress. N.p., 16 Nov. 2013. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://thinkprogress.org/immigration/2013/11/16/2955291/border-crossers-criminal-prosecutions-rise/>.

"Suspicious Activity" -- Really?" PBS. N.p., n.d. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/are-we-safer/suspicious-activity/>.

Wides-Munoz, Laura, and Garance Burke. "Immigrants Bring Profits to Prison Companies | The Salt Lake Tribune." The Salt Lake Tribune. The Associated Press, 2 Aug. 2012. Web. 06 Feb. 2014. <http://archive.sltrib.com/article.php?id=22393518&itype=storyID>.

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Undocumented Groups, Student Coalitions, Faculty and Community Organizations Demand the Resignation of Janet Napolitano as President of the UC System

We, the Student of Color Solidarity Coalition, fervently oppose Napolitano’s election. We recognize her to be a violator of human rights, and a threat to democratic public education. As head of the Department of Homeland Security - and its major division, the Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE) - from 2009-2013, Napolitano terrorized, incarcerated and deported nearly 2,000,000 undocumented immigrants. Napolitano claims that she was simply enforcing the “nation’s immigration laws.” However, she played a major role in creating, expanding and implementing unethical programs such as Secure Communities and 287 (g) agreements, which tear families apart, rely on rampant racial profiling and rake in billions for private prisons and security firms.

The election of Napolitano poses a threat to our right to a democratic and public education. The University of California system, championed as one of the country’s outstanding institutions for public higher education, should not be administered by the same actors that implemented militarization and privatization strategies in the Department of Homeland Security. California has one of the largest immigrant populations in the country, as well as a long history of advocacy that has seen this community make strong gains. While just months ago Napolitano was leading an aggressive attack on immigrants, she is now administering one of the largest public education institutions in the nation. In fact, California has already stood against Napolitano and her record of deportations by endorsing the TRUST Act, a bill repudiating Secure Communities. Napolitano endorsed this bill, discrediting the very same programs she expanded—an action which shows that she cannot be relied upon to make ethical decisions, and furthermore reflects her political opportunism.

Napolitano bears an abhorrent human rights record. As the head of DHS she oversaw an unacceptable increase in prolonged, mandatory and unnecessary detentions. This increase was achieved through the use of unlawful “Bed Mandates” and deportation quotas which required an average of 34,000 people be detained everyday and 400,000 people be deported every year, regardless of the fact that the vast majority of them qualified for release based on Homeland Security’s own guidelines. These detentions and deportations lead to unprecedented increases in profits for private prison companies and security firms, such as Corrections Corporation of America and GEO group. These corporations have strongly lobbied for and pushed for legislation that criminalizes immigrants and people of color. The policies she has supported further incentivize the detention of undocumented people and lead to increases in incarceration rates, among other human rights abuses. This damning proof should be enough to have her removed from her position as the head of any educational institution, let alone the UC system. If she continues to serve as UC president, we expect further militarization and privatization of UC campuses.

We have refused to stand idle in response to Napolitano’s election. As opposed to the “warm welcomes” she claims to have received, there has been visible discontent at every UC campus she has visited. This response has grown into a unified opposition to Napolitano’s appointment and the undemocratic process by which she was appointed. We see Napolitano’s appointment as not only an insult to our values, but also as a violent threat to public education. Her background as a human rights violator makes her election detrimental to the values and struggles upon which our communities stand. We will continue to protest and to build student power from the bottom up until Janet Napolitano is removed from her position. Following her removal, we demand the democratization of the process by which UC Regents and UC officials are elected in order to facilitate full student participation in our education system.

As students of the University of California, it is our duty to challenge Napolitano’s election. Seeing to this, the SCSC hereby urges the fulfillment of the following demands:

1. We demand the resignation or impeachment of Janet Napolitano as UC President immediately.
2. We demand that next and all future UC presidents be someone who
· a) is elected by students and faculty
· b) has an extensive and positive background in education
· c) works towards completely eliminating student debt through full subsidization
· d) comes from and has worked with communities in California
· e) supports all programs/resources that serve underrepresented communities;

3. The appointment of Napolitano exposes the undemocratic process by which the UC system makes decisions. In order to address this structural problem we demand a restructuring of this process which includes:
· a) a campus wide election for all future UC regents; this includes having the ability to nominate, endorse, and campaign for candidates
· b) the power to impeach both UC presidents and regents
· c) a general democratization of the regents to include true participation of students, faculty, and UC workers in the central decision making processes of the University.

We invite all UC students, staff, faculty and community members who are concerned by these recent events and agree that these demands best reflect the future changes they would like to see, to sign this letter and join and help shape this fight.

You can email us at notonapolitano@gmail.com
or visit our facebook page at https://www.facebook.com/no2napolitano

[1] Board, The Times Editorial. "Why the Rush on Napolitano?" Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 17 July 2013.
[2] "Regents Policy 7101: Policy on Appointment of the President of the University." Board of Regents.
[3] Meranze, Michael. "The Napolitano Appointment and the Regents' Rejection of the University ~ Remaking the University." Remaking The University, 21 July 2013.
[4] Chen, Michelle. "‘Bargain’ on Immigration Would Feed Prison Profits." In These Times, 26 July 2013.
[5] Anderson, Stuart. "How Many More Deaths? The Moral Case for a Temporary Worker Program." National Foundation for American Policy. NFAP Policy Brief, Mar. 2013.
[6] Bates, Ashley. "The Napolitano Files." East Bay Express, 22 Jan. 2014.
[7] Wides-Munoz, Laura, and Garance Burke. "Immigrants Bring Profits to Prison Companies.” The Salt Lake Tribune. The Associated Press, 2 Aug. 2012.
[8] "Deportations by Fiscal Year." Immigration Reform Americas Voice.
[9] "Suspicious Activity" -- Really?" PBS.
[10] Goldman, Adam, and Matt Apuzo. "NYPD Designates Mosques As Terrorism Organizations." The Big Story, 28 Aug. 2013.
[11] See note 9
[12] Pengelly, Martin. "Napolitano: NSA Whistleblower Edward Snowden Should Not Be given Clemency." Theguardian.com. Guardian News and Media, 05 Jan. 2014.
[13] Shen, Aviva. "Despite All-Time Low Border Crossings, Obama Administration Will Prosecute A Record Number Of Migrants This Year." ThinkProgress, 16 Nov. 2013.
[14] Selway, William, and Margaret Newkirk. "Congress's Illegal-Immigration Detention Quota Costs $2 Billion a Year." Bloomberg Business Week. Bloomberg, 26 Sept. 2013.
[15] See note 5
[16] See note 5
[17] "List of Deaths in ICE Custody." US Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
[18] "Families for Freedom Et Al., Plaintiffs, v. Janet Napolitano." The Civil Rights Litigation Clearing House. University of Michigan Law School, 25 June 2009.
[19] Schoenfelder, Anna, and Natasha Rivera Silber. "Uncovering USBP: Bonus Programs for United States Border Patrol Agents and the Arrest of Lawfully Present Individuals." Families for Freedom. FFF & NYU Law, Jan. 2013.

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Sunday, October 27, 2013

Identity Crisis: An Arrested Development

By Rodolfo F. Acuña
24 October 2013



Click photo of Rudy to enlarge. Photo is copyright 2013 Jesús Manuel Mena Garza. All rights reserved.

The debate as to what to name Chicana/o Studies will have future repercussions. The proposals are not new; they are not innovative; and they are symptomatic of the historical struggle of Mexican origin people in the United States to identify themselves. 

The problem is that the group has grown so large and the stakes so high that the consequences will hurt everyone. Unfortunately, the level of the discourse lacks logic, and it prolongs a resolution to the identity crisis of Mexican Americans.

Admittedly, Latinos have a lot in common, but we also have a lot of differences, e.g., in social class, population size, where we live, and our history to name a few dissimilarities. These differences strew the landscape with landmines especially for those who already believe that all Latinas/os look alike. It makes it easier for them to lump us into one generic brand.

The constant name changes are wrongheaded and ahistorical. Identity takes a long time to form, e.g., it took Mexico over two hundred years to get over their regional differences and become Mexicans. If you would have asked my mother what she was, she would have answered, “Sonorense,” my father would have said “tapatio.”  

Today, the children of immigrants usually identify with their parents’ country of origin. Some, depending on where they live, will say Hispanic or Latino, despite the fact that there is no such thing as a Hispanic or Latino nationality.

The result is an arrested development that carries over into the popular media where it is not uncommon to see an Argentinian playing a Mexican on the screen with an Argentinian accent.  To movie directors, all Latinos look and sound alike.

Chicana/o Studies is supposed to be staffed by intellectuals, and you would think that they would bring about a resolution. However, I have been disappointed by the inconsistencies in their epistemological stances. 

Instead, they follow the latest fad or what is convenient for them. The result is that they confuse students and the public, thus creating an identity crisis that arrests the development of the disparate Latino sub-groups.

Some self-described sages, a minority I hope, even want to change the names of the few Chicana/o Studies departments that have survived the wars in academe to Chicana/o-Latino or vice versa. The pretexts are: it is a progressive move; it promotes unity; and it is strategically the right move -- it makes us Number 1.

Even on my own campus where Chicana/o Studies offers over 172 sections per semester, a minority of Chicana/faculty members want to change the department’s name. They believe this change will enable them to teach courses on Latin America and thus increase their individual prestige.

Having worked in academe for nearly fifty years, this is naïve! In the past, we tried to establish an interdisciplinary program but we were torpedoed by the Spanish Department. In academe, you don’t just wish changes. They are the result of political confrontation and negotiation. 

It is beyond me how some Chicana/o Studies faculty members can be so naïve. Do they think that the history, political science or Spanish departments will roll over and concede CHS the right to teach classes that they think belong to them? Do they think that these departments are so stupid that they will stand by and let us to take student enrollment away from them?

What is to be gained by creating a pseudo identity?

You would think that Chicana/o professors would have developed a sense of what a discipline is. Chicana/o studies were developed as pedagogy; their mission is to motivate and teach students’ skills. CHS were not created to give employment opportunities for Chicana/o professors or to create a safe haven for them to be tenured. 

The reality is that most Latino programs are clustered east of Chicago whereas most programs west of the Windy City are called Chicana/o Studies. As of late, however, there has been a breakdown, and CHS programs out west have begun to change their names to a hybrid Latino-Chicana/o studies model. 

Tellingly, although the Mexican origin population is rapidly spreading east of Chicago, there is no reciprocal trend to change the names of programs to include Chicana/o or Mexican American.

What is the message for Mexican Americans? 

As a kid, many of my acquaintances preferred calling themselves Latin American. Unlike hot jalapeños Latino did not offend the sensitive taste buds of gringos.

What it boils down to is opportunism and an arrested development. These frequent changes have led to a collective identity crisis as well as short circuiting the community’s historical memory.   

The best data on Mexican Americans and Latinos comes from the Pew Research Center. It informs us that 71 percent of all Latinos live in 100 counties. Half (52 percent) of these counties are in three states—California, Texas and Florida. Along with Arizona, New Mexico, New York, New Jersey and Illinois they house three-quarters of the nation’s Latino population.

Los Angeles County alone has 4.9 million Latinos or 9 percent of the Latino population nationally. In LA-Long Beach Mexican Americans make up 78 percent of the Latino population followed by Salvadorans who are 8 percent. In NY-Northeastern NJ Mexicans are only 12 percent, the rest are Latin Americans. Understandably, in NY-New Jersey there is no movement to change to Latino-Mexican American studies whereas in LA many programs have changed the name of Chicana/o Studies.

The Mexican share of the Latino population in California is 83 percent; Texas 88 percent; Illinois 80 percent; Arizona 91 percent; Colorado 78 percent; Georgia 61 percent; and in racially confused New Mexico, Mexicans are 63 percent of Latinos.

In metropolitan areas like Los Angeles Mexicans are 78 percent of Latinos; Houston 78 percent; Riverside 88 percent; Chicago 79 percent; Dallas 85 percent; Phoenix 91 percent; San Francisco 70 percent; San Antonio 90 percent. Eight of the ten largest Latino cities are overwhelmingly of Mexican origin. 

For me, it does not take an advanced degree in mathematics to figure out what the name of the programs should be in the eight states. Still there are Chicana/o geniuses that want to change the name of the programs.

At California State Northridge the solution appeared simple in the 1990s. It made sense to support Central American students and create a Central American program. They make up 12/14 percent of LA’s Latino population, and changing the name to Chicana/o –Latino would not have solved anything.

What purpose would it have served if 98 percent of the courses and faculty remained Mexican? Central Americans wanted ownership of a new program catering specifically to their needs and their identity.

This schizophrenic behavior of the name changers has worsened the existing identity crisis; it has resulted in an erasure of history. You can bet that there will political fallout in the future.  Words and history have meanings.

For example, Steve Montenegro, Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio did not just happen.

Arizona state representative Steve Montenegro is from a reactionary Salvadoran family. Since his election in 2008, he has supported the racist SB 1070. Montenegro, supported by the Tea Party, is not vetted by the Mexican community that comprises over 90 percent of Phoenix’s Latino population.

In Texas Cuban-American Senator Ted Cruz got enough Mexican American votes to be elected to the U.S. Senate. Both Montenegro and Cruz are anti-immigrant. They see immigration as a Mexican issue.

Cuban-American Marco Rubio also advertises that he is a “Hispanic”. He has been active on immigration, but he is pushing a reactionary bill and like his other musketeers is a Tea Party darling.

Ernesto Galarza used to say that a people without a historical memory are easier manipulated, and they lose the ability to defend their communities. The only power poor people have to check the universities and elected officials is the power of numbers.

“History gives order and purpose to our lives.” Identity whether it is working class or communal clarifies that purpose. Inchoate changes in identity are infantile and are not helping rather they are arresting our development.

 -30-

Tuesday, August 20, 2013

The Demographic Dividend


Why the success of Latino faculty and students is critical.
 

Article by Anne-Marie Nuñez and Elizabeth Murakami-Ramalho

Photo by Jesús Manuel Mena Garza

In 2010, Maria Hernandez Ferrier was inaugurated as the first president of the new Texas A&M University campus in San Antonio. To celebrate the inauguration of a Latina college president, one of the few in the nation, a group of Latinas, including many local professors, took part in the formal procession. This group of women received special recognition, both during the ceremony and in the media. The city’s main newspaper, the San Antonio Express News, noted, “About 60 local Latina women who hold doctorates attended the ceremony in full academic regalia to support Ferrier and to show their numbers in the academic community.”

Latina faculty are rarely visible in this way. Only 4 percent of tenured or tenure-track female faculty members in the United States are Latina (78 percent are white, 7 percent are African American, and 7 percent are Asian American), and only 3 percent of female full professors are Latina. The gathering of Latina faculty at Ferrier’s inauguration illustrated the potential for a critical mass of Latinas to come together in one place to support one another in the academy. Dressed in full academic regalia, they represented the possibility of access to privileged positions in the professoriate. Indeed, some wide-eyed passersby who saw them lining up in the procession asked, “So, are you all really professors?” They were proof that Latinas, and Latinos more generally, can and do make it to the academy, despite their generally limited access to higher education opportunities, particularly baccalaureate and postbaccalaureate degrees.

Demographic Transformation
Although Latino enrollment in higher education has increased as the US Latino population has grown (Latinos now outnumber African Americans), more often than not Latinos begin their college education in community colleges or less selective four-year institutions—institutional types with lower persistence and completion rates in general. Moreover, the broader political, economic, and social climate in the United States has become increasingly hostile for Latinos as new policies opposed to immigrant rights, affirmative action, and ethnic studies programs have emerged. After the Arizona legislature passed a law (currently being challenged by the federal government) to broaden the capacity of state personnel to detain and request identification from any person perceived to be an illegal immigrant, several more states, including Alabama, launched initiatives to increase surveillance of immigrants and deny them public services, including K–12 and higher education. Affirmative action policies have been banned in some key states where Latinos are concentrated, leading to drops in application and enrollment rates at flagship and selective public universities.

Even when they are accepted to a university, Latinos are often denied opportunities to connect with their cultural backgrounds and to communicate in Spanish. Ethnic studies programs and courses, including Chicano studies, sometimes struggle for support and legitimacy. Arizona’s legislature has gone so far as to ban the teaching of ethnic studies in K–12 schools. This challenge to ethnic studies has been particularly targeted at Chicano studies, despite evidence that Latino students who participate in these programs actually have higher educational achievement than those who do not and high school graduation rates on par with those of their white counterparts.

Although educational research suggests that dual-language K–12 programs are effective in helping English learner (EL) students—defined as students who do not speak English well enough yet to be considered proficient—to learn languages and to improve in broader content areas such as math, these programs have been effectively prohibited in Arizona, California, and Massachusetts. Even when Latino EL students enter college, they often must enroll in remedial courses and struggle to achieve full literacy and academic success.

It is not surprising, then, that according to a recent Pew Hispanic Center survey, two-thirds of Latinos report that discrimination against Latinos in schools is a major social problem. Latinos mention schools more often than workplaces or other public places as sites of discrimination. A Pew Research Center survey suggests that Americans from all racial and ethnic groups currently believe that Latinos are the group that experiences the most social discrimination. Unfortunately, much research has shown that, as it has for African Americans, such discrimination can negatively affect Latinos’ academic achievement, engagement, and sense of belonging in K–12 and higher education.

Demographic Dividend
Although the number of Latino students in US higher education has increased in recent decades, and Latinos have now surpassed African Americans as the largest minority group in US higher education (currently constituting 22 percent of total enrollment), Latinos as a group still have the lowest educational attainment of any racial or ethnic group. According to Pew Hispanic Center data, only about 13 percent of Latinos age twenty-five and over hold college degrees (compared with 18 percent of African Americans, 31 percent of whites, and 50 percent of Asian Americans). Latinos consequently tend to work in low-skill occupations. Pew data show that only about half as many Latinos (19 percent) as whites (39 percent) are employed in management, science, engineering, law, education, entertainment, the arts, and health care.

This is sobering news, considering that by 2050, Latinos will represent the main source of population growth and are projected to make up 30 percent of the US population. Moreover, Latinos are overrepresented in the youth population: about 17 percent of Latinos, compared with 10 percent of non-Latino whites, are under the age of eighteen. In California and Texas, Latinos represent half of all public K–12 students.

Sociologist Marta Tienda contends that the increasing Latino youth population could offer this country a “demographic dividend,” contributing to future economic productivity as the overall US population ages. President Obama, sensitive to this issue, highlighted the importance of supporting Latinos when he authorized funding for the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanics in 2010: “This is not just a Latino problem, this is an American problem.”

Education scholars Patricia Gandara and Frances Contreras, in the title of their 2009 book, coined the term “Latino education crisis.” During the past two decades, they and other pioneering higher education researchers—including Estela Bensimon, Sylvia Hurtado, Amaury Nora, Michael Olivas, Laura Rendon, and Daniel Solorzano—have documented the many barriers to postsecondary educational attainment for Latinos: limited academic preparation, difficulty navigating the college environment, financial concerns, exclusionary college climates. Latino college students tend to come from high schools with few resources to prepare students for college. Many are the first in their families to attend college, so they are sometimes unfamiliar with strategies for managing college responsibilities. Latino students also often are reluctant to take on loans, in part because of the financial and familial responsibilities they already have during college. They are more likely than other students to be employed and to work full time to finance their college education, so they may have less time to devote to their studies.

The broader political climate can also make it difficult for Latino students to find a sense of belonging in their college communities. Vulnerability to stereotypes about Latinos, such as those that are increasingly depicted in the media, can have a negative effect on Latino students’ academic achievement in college as well as their college completion rates.

Improving the Campus Climate
Although Latinos constitute about one in six Americans and more than one-fifth of the undergraduate students enrolled in US higher education, they make up less than 5 percent of the professoriate. Latino college students tend to complete bachelor’s degrees at lower rates than members of other racial and ethnic groups, leading to lower rates of graduate degree enrollment, doctoral degree completion, and faculty employment. Latino faculty will continue to be largely invisible unless universities make concerted efforts to recruit and retain them. At least two decades of research on diversity in higher education indicate that increasing the presence of Latino faculty in higher education is critical to promoting Latino students’ educational attainment. Latino faculty understand the cultural backgrounds of Latino students and can serve as role models for them.

However, increasing the numbers of Latino faculty and students in the academy (as well as members of other historically underrepresented groups) is not enough to ensure their success or build a community. Intentional efforts must also be made to maximize the benefits of diversity. As Daryl Smith notes in her 2009 book Diversity’s Promise for Higher Education: Making It Work, efforts to build a diverse faculty often focus on the recruitment of faculty members from historically underrepresented groups but underemphasize the importance of retaining and promoting them.

The Dual Challenge for Latinas
The research of higher education scholar Caroline Turner and others explores the dual challenges of being women and being Latina in the academy. As Joya Misra, Jennifer Hickes Lundquist, Elissa Holmes, and Stephanie Agiomavritis documented in a recentAcademe article on service work, women often face institutionalized sexism and are expected to take on additional professional responsibilities, such as uncompensated university service, that impede their ability to advance from the junior to the senior faculty ranks. Because of their dual status as women and as members of an underrepresented group, Latinas are more likely to encounter racism, stereotyping, lack of mentoring, tokenism, uneven promotion, and inequitable salaries when entering the academy. Research has documented the stereotypes that Latina faculty often encounter: some are told by colleagues that they are particularly articulate, or that they speak English well, implying that this is atypical, while others have described instances where students, other faculty members, or staff members have assumed that they are service workers or anything but professors.

These experiences send the message that Latinas do not belong in the academy. Moreover, although crossgender and cross-race mentoring can be extremely beneficial, the dearth of senior Latina faculty means that junior faculty are less likely than others to find role models who can give them guidance about how to navigate these specific challenges.

Our Strategy for Supporting Latinas
When we began our first faculty positions in the College of Education and Human Development at the University of Texas at San Antonio, a Hispanic-serving institution whose enrollment is 45 percent Latino, we found that only seven out of fifty-seven, or just 12 percent, of the female professors in our school of education were tenured Latinas. Similarly, while just under one-quarter of undergraduates in Texas’s public institutions are Latino, only 6 percent of tenured faculty members at these same institutions come from Latino backgrounds. Our school’s figures exceed the 2.8 percent national figure for Latina tenured faculty representation among female professors, but it is nonetheless a remarkably low figure, considering the racial and ethnic makeup of our university and our city, the latter of which has a majority (63 percent) Latino population.

Since beginning our faculty positions, we have been part of a group of junior Latina faculty in the school of education called Research for the Education and Advancement of Latinos (REAL). Members of REAL, which was established in 2005, share research interests in broadening opportunities for Latinos at all stages of education. Members come from different disciplines and study topics ranging from early childhood education to higher education. We meet regularly to discuss our experiences and to share strategies for managing our careers and other responsibilities, including how to assemble promotion and tenure files and how to choose service commitments. We also talk about gender roles and balancing familial caretaking responsibilities.

Sometimes we simply meet over lunch to catch up on one another’s personal and professional lives. Other times, we travel to a formal retreat center, a rented house, or a group member’s house to spend a weekend writing and socializing. At a typical retreat, REAL faculty members will scatter around the space, each taking up a room or a corner with her laptop, working on manuscripts until the late afternoon. Retreat evenings are spent socializing.

In addition to this peer mentoring, we have several senior Latina faculty members who are the organization’s madrinas (godmothers). They have helped clarify the requirements and expectations for promotion and tenure at our institution and have offered advice on how to handle our varied duties as faculty members.

As part of this effort, we now have subgroups that pursue common research agendas. The associated research and writing projects have resulted in the publication of peer-reviewed articles on a wide range of topics. For example, one pair in the group has edited a special issue of a journal that addresses P–20 (prekindergarten through graduate school) partnerships, bridging scholarship of two distinct sectors of education that typically are not coordinated. Another pair has advanced scholarship on how K–12 school leaders can target the needs of EL students through initiatives such as dual-language programs. These experiences have allowed us to work across disciplines and connect diverse bodies of scholarship.

We have also collected and analyzed data about our experiences in the group for journal articles and national conferences. Our articles address Latina faculty members’ experiences of belonging and marginalization in the academy, the development of a Chicana perspective on peer mentoring, pedagogical strategies in Hispanic-serving institutions, and other topics.

Our initiative offers a sense of community for Latina scholars. Moreover, several of us have received tenure while being part of this group; the majority of our group now consists of tenured faculty members who have navigated the tenure process together. All but one of our members have stayed at the institution, and the one who left eventually returned, saying she valued the supportive climate of our university and of REAL.

We have been asked many times about how we have built this supportive academic space. We would offer the following advice to faculty members interested in forming organizations like ours:

·         Find a group of like-minded individuals and meet in ways that do not require extensive time commitments (such as brown-bag lunches).

·         Identify lead organizers (having two or three individuals in this role may help distribute the efforts involved).

·         Determine common research goals.

·         Find an institutional home (for REAL, this was the university’s Women’s Studies Institute).

·         Investigate the possibility of internal grant funding (we secured a university grant to conduct our first retreat).

·         Find other creative ways to share or obtain resources to support the organization’s efforts (for example, we have sometimes shared our own homes as retreat spaces or have been given access to retreat spaces by senior faculty madrinas).

·         Get the “buy-in” of senior faculty and administrators.

A Collective Responsibility
In her 2011 keynote speech at the annual meeting of the American Association of Hispanics in Higher Education, Rachel Moran, dean of the School of Law at the University of California, Los Angeles, described overhearing an elementary school teacher say about her as a young Mexican American child, “Such a bright girl. Too bad there’s no future for her.”

Moran’s success indicates that the future for Latinos in the academy is bright if and when they are afforded the appropriate opportunities. Echoing many other leading scholars and advocates for the educational advancement of Latinos, Moran emphasized the need for political will to advance Latino success in higher education in the face of significant economic, social, and political barriers.

In mobilizing this political will, Latino faculty cannot undertake the tasks of building more inclusive campus climates or promoting Latino postsecondary attainment alone. While we encourage Latino faculty and others from historically underrepresented groups to form support systems such as the one we have described, we recognize that Latinos at most other institutions do not have the significant presence they have at our university.

Efforts at recruiting Latino faculty and students must be coordinated with initiatives to involve college leadership. Because Latino faculty and administrators tend to be underrepresented in leadership roles, high-level administrators from all backgrounds must share the responsibility for creating institutional support systems for Latino faculty and students. As the work of Sylvia Hurtado, Daryl Smith, Caroline Turner, and others demonstrates, maximizing the benefits of a diverse faculty and student body must be a clearly articulated goal aligned with concrete strategies across different units. Institutional leaders can provide a variety of resources to support an active community of scholars of color. Developing and sustaining systems of senior faculty and peer mentoring can help make the promotion and tenure process, as well as the dynamics of institutional culture, more transparent for incoming junior faculty. In addition, as Sylvia Hurtado and Jessica Sharkness noted in their article in the September–October 2008 issue of Academe, implementing a reward system that recognizes faculty members’ service to the broader community can provide affirmation and incentives for this kind of work.

Several Hispanic-serving institutions, including our own, have been successful at graduating large numbers of Latino students, as well as large numbers of Latinos in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. Scholars from the University of Southern California’s Center for Urban Education and other institutions currently are conducting research to identify what productive Hispanic-serving institutions are doing to promote Latino education in the sciences. Faculty members and administrators in other institutions can learn from what these institutions are doing to promote degree completion, particularly in the STEM fields.

A senior Latino professor who has been with our institution for more than thirty years recently said to us, “I wish I was going to be around to see what happens as Latinos continue to grow in the population. I won’t be around to see it, but you will. You are lucky that you will be able to.”

While concerns about Latino educational access may not be of interest to everyone in this anti-immigrant climate, the positive economic implications of promoting Latino educational advancement are clear. The Latino educational crisis can be transformed into an opportunity to make an investment in the educational fate of Latinos, which is inextricably tied with the future of this country. The academy can play an important role in this effort.

Anne-Marie Nuñez is assistant professor of higher education at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Her research explores the individual and institutional factors that affect college access and completion, particularly for students from Latino, first-generation, and migrant backgrounds. Her e-mail address is annemarienunez@utsa.edu.

Elizabeth Murakami-Ramalho is associate professor of educational leadership at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Her research agenda includes successful leadership for Latino populations and urban and international issues in educational leadership. Her e-mail address is elizabeth.murakami@utsa.edu.

Sunday, December 02, 2012

New Stanford Mural Celebrates Latino Identities



[Click image to enlarge]

By Robin Wander

The Spiral Word: El Codex Estánfor, a four-part mural at El Centro Chicano, marks artist Juana Alicia's return to campus


Earlier this month, Stanford inaugurated its newest campus mural, The Spiral Word: El Codex Estánfor, at El Centro Chicano, the university’s Chicano/Latino student center. The mural was designed and created by Berkeley-based international muralist Juana Alicia, who was on hand for the ceremony.
The event celebrated the moment when the four-part mural left the artist's hands and was entrusted to the current and future generations of Stanford students, faculty and staff.
Juana Alicia's friend and poet Rafael Jesus González burned sage and blessed the seven directions of the Mayan tradition (the cardinal points, earth, sky and center) and then read his moving poem, Flor y Canto. He also shared poignant words about education and social responsibility with those assembled.
Student Cesar Torres, graphic designer of the mural guide produced for the occasion, offered his reflections on the work and senior Aracely Mondragón read three powerful poems inspired by the mural. The artist discussed her process along with the subtext, symbolism and deeper meanings of her work.
El Centro Director Frances Morales observed that since the installation last spring, the mural has inspired creative expression within the Stanford community, as evidenced by the poems and reflection written and shared by Torres and Mondragón (both from the class of 2012) during the inauguration. In addition, Morales said that some faculty members have begun to think of ways to incorporate a viewing and study of the mural into their classes.
Imagery inspired by literature
The mural depicts the legacy of Latin American and indigenous literature. The concept for the suite of four murals for El Centro was inspired by the history and literature of multi-ethnic Latin America, from the ancient stories of the Popol Vuh to modern Chicana/o poetry. California Poet Laureate and Stanford alumnus Juan Felipe Herrera named the work.
Juana Alicia was inspired by a wide range of literary sources including José Martí, Sandra Cisneros, Carlos Fuentes and Junot Díaz, "but more than any other author, Eduardo Galeano." She said his books, The Open Veins of Latin America, and the trilogy Memories of Fire, function as a subtext for the set of four paintings, most especially the codex.
"Each of the four painted surfaces [three canvases and one watercolor paper panel] has its own role to play in the story and in the space. This is one of the smallest, most compact and narrative-dense works that I have created. The challenge was to create a series of works that altered an institutional-feeling entryway into a sanctuary for our collective narratives as multi-faceted Latinos and original peoples of these continents. I wanted to create a space for students to find beauty and honor for their identities as Latin Americans at Stanford, and to create a place that both narrated our legacies and celebrated our cultural projects," she wrote.
"I also wanted the mural to create feelings of safety and pride and stimulate historical consciousness with regard to our evolution as a people."
An artist returns to campus
Juana Alicia is a familiar face on campus by now. She first came to work at Stanford in 1984, at the invitation of Jose Antonio Burciaga, and taught a class titled Mural Art: Enfoque Feminil. Students worked with Juana Alicia to research, design and paint the mural Mujeres de Fuego that frames the entrance to the Chicano/Latino theme dorm Casa Zapata. "Daniel Luna, Valentín Aguirre and Maria De La Rosa, now alumni, were some of the outstanding students that I remember still. The theme of the piece was an homage to the 'real women' of our culture as Chicanos," she recalls.
Mujeres de Fuego includes farmworkers, artists and revolutionaries rising from the flames of a burning Black Velvet Vodka billboard picturing a clichéd, busty odalisque, visible on many liquor ads in the barrios of California in the 1980s.
After the Casa Zapata mural project, she returned to campus to teach in the Yo Puedo Program for Latino high school students. In addition to teaching art, she has guest-lectured sporadically over the years in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at the invitation of Yvonne Yarbro-Bejarano, professor of Iberian and Latin American cultures.
In 2006, Stanford approached Juana Alicia about creating a mural for El Centro Chicano.
The Spiral Word is the most recent of many iterations of Juana Alicia's relationship with Stanford’s Latino community and the culmination of more than five years of imagining, proposing, researching, negotiating and painting. The mural is the fulfillment of a vision to give a lasting work of her own original creation to the space that she credits with nurturing promising young artists, intellectuals and activists.
Stanford art Professor Enrique Chagoya praised the artist as a longstanding muralist in San Francisco and a role model for Chicano muralists. “She has murals all over the Mission District and one at the San Francisco International Airport among other places. I am glad she has some work at Stanford,” he said.
“The inauguration ceremony in November was not an end to the mural project, rather, it was an opportunity to hand over the murals to the community. It is a passing from my hands to theirs – a rite of passage,” said Juana Alicia.
--Stanford News Service
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Wednesday, October 14, 2009

I Wish More Colleges Offered These Courses



[Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales by Jesus Manuel Mena Garza]



UCSB Chicano Studies Courses


LOWER DIVISION


1A-B-C. Introduction to Chicano Studies (4-4-4) Staff

An introduction to the historical and contemporary development of the Chicano community, interdisciplinary in nature, and focusing upon such components as the educational, sociological, and political. The course will critically analyze the societal context in which La Raza has sought to maintain and develop its culture.


10. Introduction to Chicano History (4) Garcia

Prerequisite: lower-division standing. Same course as History 10. Students who have received credit for Chicano Studies 9 may not take this course for credit.
The historical heritage of the Chicano from Indian and Spanish origins to the contemporary period. Particular stress will be placed on the interpretation and analysis between key periods in world and U.S. history to the experience of Chicanos.

11. Introduction to Race and Ethnicity in American History(4) Staff

Prerequisite: lower-division standing. Same course as History 11.
An introduction to the issues of race and ethnicity as they have affected the course of United States history from the colonial era to the present. Race and ethnicity will be dealt with as ideological issues as well as the history of particular race and ethnic groups in a pluralistic America.

12. Introduction to Chicano Spanish (4) Lomeli

Prerequisites: consent of instructor and some basic knowledge of Spanish.
The course will introduce students to tne Spanish language and help them to acquire oral and written skills, distinguish between standard speech of popular variants, and learn the Chicano Spanish lexicon.

UPPER DIVISION

102A-B. Quantitative Research and Issues in Chicano Studies (4-4) Staff
This two-quarter course sequence examines quantitative research problems in Chicano Studies. The emphasis is on the effective use of social survey data in formulating public and private policy. Students also receive an introduction to the computer as a research tool.

106. Introduction to Latin American Studies (4) Staff

Prerequisite: any quarter of Chicano Studies 1A, 18, or 1C, or History 8, or upper-division standing.
The Latin American heritage of Chicanos will be explored from various interdisciplinary perspectives: history, culture, literature, politics, and education. Stress will be placed on major past and contemporary cultural, political, and I social movements from the pre-Columbian past to the twentieth century.

110. Research Methods in Chicano Studies (4) Staff

Prerequisites: Chicano Studies 1A-B-C.
Using Chicano studies topics, the course will introduce students to: (1) the epistemology of scientific inquiry (its history and contemporarv movements); (2) the strengths and weaknesses of quantitative and qualitative methodologies; and (3) the mechanisms of research design (transforming an idea into a research plan).

115. Psychological Issues and the Chicano Child (4) Staff

To give the student an understanding of the fundamentals of psychology; to introduce tne fundamentals of child psychology; and to analyze and discuss pertinent psychological principles and research related to the Chicano child.

120. Bilingualism and the Chicano (4) Staff

Prerequisite: consent of instructor.
An introduction to the study of bilingualism and the Chicano. The course will focus on tne sociolinguistic and educational implications of bilingualism.

121. Writing Experience for Bilinguals (4) Staff

Prerequisite: consent of instructor.
A comparative analysis between Chicano Spanish, standard Spanish, and vocabulary building.

130B. The Chicano Quest for Educational Equality (4) San Miguel

Prerequisite: Chicano Studies 1A or 1B or 130A or upper-division standing.
This lecture course traces the legal, administrative, and political efforts made by Chicanos to secure more and better education for their children. It also assesses its impact and influ- ence on the public schools.

131. An Introduction to Issues in Chicano Bilingual Education (4) San Miguel

This is an introduction to bilingual education and its effect on Chicanos. Specific issues include the evolution and development of policy at the federal and state levels, theory and practice of bilingual education pertaining to Chicanos, the status and future of this program.

137. Chicano/Mexican Oral Traditions (4) Broyles-Gonzalez

Prerequisites.. upper-division standing and knowledge of Spanish and English.
The course will introduce students to the ancient roots of Chicano oral traditions. Contemporary forms of Chicano oral poetry, oral narrative, and drama will be examined, in addition to more ephemeral forms such as cabula, choteo, joke-telling, or dichos.

138. Barrio Poplar Culture (4) Broyles-Gonzalez

Prerequisite. upper-division standing
The course will explore various manifestations of popular and mass culture in Chicano urban and semi-rural communities throughout the southwest. Both secular and religious cultural phenomena will be analyzed (lowriders, saints, music, etc.). Relationships to mainstream culture will be examined.

139. Native American Heritage and Chicano Cultural Renaissance (4) Broyles-Gonzalez

Prerequisite: upper-division standing or Chicano Studies 1A, 1B, or 1C.
The course will explore the intense recourse to the Native American heritage during the Chicano cultural renaissance of the 1960s and 1970s. The rediscovery of the native ancestral cultures will be analyzed in poetry, prose, drama, the graphic arts.

140. The Mexican Cultural Heritage of the Chicano (4) Staff

Prerequisite: consent of instructor.
A panoramic view of present-day Chicano traditions analyzed from a Mexican cultural heritage perspective in order to comprehend and appreciate the uniqueness and difference of present-day Chicano culture, its achievements, and contribution to the overall American culture.

141. Roots of Chicano Culture in Interdisciplinary Perspective (4) Staff

Prerequisites: upper-division standing, two or more upper-division courses in sociology, religious studies, or anthropology.
This course will give students a general understanding of the origins, development, and contemporary variation in Chicano culture from an interdisciplinary approach.

142. An Introduction to Chicano and Barrio Art (4) Staff

An introduction to Chicano and barrio art and their major exponents. This course will emphasize Mexican mural painting as forerunner of Chicano mural art.

143. Chicano/Mexican Film Studies (4) Lomeli, Fregoso

Study of Chicano and Mexican cinema to view film as an art form and projection of the film-maker. Techniques, messages, and ideology stressed as instruments which propose film truth within the context of Chicano and Mexican social experiences.


144. The Chicano Community (4) Segura

Prerequisite: upper-division standing, or Chicano Studies 1A, 1B, or 1C, or a prior course in sociology. This course is the same as Sociology 144.
Origins of the Chicano in rural Mexico; context of contact; patterns of settlement in the United States; the Chicano community, social structure, and social change; acculturation and generational patterns; community leadership and change.

145. Chicano Art: Symbol and Meaning (4) Favela

Prerequisite: any quarter of Chicano Studies 1A, 1B, or 1C, Chicano Studies 142 or Art History 1 or 7E, Art His tory 161C, 161D, or 161E, or upper-division standing.
This course traces the sources and historical development of symbols and forms that originated in the art of New Spain and Mexico and became crucial for the development of a contemporary Chicano art. Emphasis is given to artistic conceptions of America and Aztlan by Mexican, Mexican American, and Chicano artists.

146. Contemporary Chicano Art (4) Favela

Prerequisite: any quarter of Chicano Studies 1A-B-C, 142, or Art History 1, 7E, 161C, 161D, or 161E, or Chicano Studies 145, or upper-division standing.
The Chicano art movement is examined and appraised within the context of contemporary American art and the contemporary art of Mexico. This course provides a survey of major Chicano artists and developments in Chicano painting, sculpture, graphic, and conceptual art from the late 1960s to the present.

147. Chicanos and the Film Media: A Comparative History (4) Fregoso

This course examines the various ways Chicanos have been portrayed in Hollywood films. Their characterizations are contrasted with the portrayals of women, Blacks, Jews, gays, and lesbians. The content is chronological and thematic in its examination of recurrent minority images.

154F. The Chicano Family (4) Segura

Prerequisites: upper-division standing or Chicano Studies 1A-B-C or consent of instructor or prior course in sociology. Same course as Socioloy 154F.
This course provides an overview of historical and contemporary research on Chicano families in the United States. Changing viewpoints on the character of Chicano families and their implications with respect to policy issues are examined.

155R. Chicana Research Issues (4) Segura

Prerequisites: upper-division standing or Chicano Studies 1A-B-C or consent of instructor or prior course in sociology. Same course as Sociology 155R.
This course is designed to enable students to develop and implement a research project that explores in depth one or more facets of the Chicana experience. Students will select and gather information in one area of interest such as: family, health, education, or employment.

155W. La Chicana: Mexican Women in the U.S. (4) Segura

Prerequisites: upper-division standing or Chicano Studies 1A-B-C or consent of instructor or prior course in sociology. Same course as Sociology 155W. Not open for credit to students who have received credit for Chicano Studies 150A, 150B, or 150C.
Examines existing research on native-born and immigrant Mexican women in the United States with emphasis on family, education, employment, and politics. Analysis of the Chicana experience organized by considering how interplay between class, race, and gender affects access to opportunity and equality.

164. Chicanos and the Administration of Justice (4) Staff

A survey of police-barrio community relations including the role of police, police department theories and tactics, and the unique police problems of the Chicano community. In addition, the course will examine the organization of courts and the procedural issues and suggested reforms involved in the adversary system, from arrest to penal institutions.

168A-B. History of the Chicano (4-4) Garcia, Vargas

Prerequisite: any quarter of History 17A-B-C or any quarter of Chicano Studies 1A -B-C or upper-divion standing. Same course as History 168A-B.
The history of the Chicanos, 1821 to the present; traces the sociocultural lifeline, of the Mexicans who have lived north of Mexico.

168E. History of the Chicano Movement (4) Staff

Prerequisite: Any quarter of Chicano Studies 1A-B- or History 10 or Chicano Studies 10 or History 168B or Chicano Studies 168B or upper-division standing. Same course as History 168E.
An examination of the Chicano movement in the United States from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s. Topics will include the student movement, the farmworker movement, the Plan de Aztlan, the Raza Unida Party, Chicana feminists, the anti-war movement, and Chicano studies.

168F. Racism In American History (4) Staff

Prerequisite: any quarter of History 17A-B-C or any lower-division course in Asian American studies, Black studies, Chicano studies or upper-division standing. Same course as History 168F.
This course will examine racism as a major ideological force in defining American society from the colonial era to the 1980s. Major focus will be in the changing nature of racism as ideology as well as the relationship of racism to specific minority groups such as Afro-American, Native American, Chicanos, and Asian American.

168G-H. United States-Latin American Relations (4-4) Staff

Prerequisite: any quarter of History 17A-B-C or any quarter of Chicano Studies 1A-B-C or 101.
Covers the history of United States-Latin American relations from the colonial period to the present. Topics to be covered include the Monroe Doctrine, the United States-Mexican War, Manifest Destiny, the Spanish-American War, Dollar Diplomacy, the Good Neighbor Policy, the Alliance for Progress, and the United States role in Central America.

168P. Proseminar in Chicano History (4) Staff

Prerequisite: History 168A or 168B, or Chicano Studies 168A or 168B, and consent of instructor. Same course as History 168P.
Studies in selected aspects of Chicano history with an emphasis on social and economic history.

169. Comparative Local History (4) Garcia, Vargas

This course analyzes local and regional history of Chicanos. Theories and methodologies of social, urban, and oral history will be examined. Public history programs for Chicano communities will be discussed. Students will develop a research prospectus for their research projects.

170A. Chicano Community Organizations (4) Segura

The day-to-day operations and success of contemporary Chicano community organizations is socio-historically analyzed. Emphasis is placed on whether particular organizations meet the actual or perceived needs of the Chicano community or of special interest groups within the community.

170B. Chicano Community Organizations (4) Segura

Prerequisite: upper-division standing or consent of instructor.
The theory of organizing within the Chicano community will be analyzed through field observations of currently operating Chicano community organizations.

171. The Chicano Urban Experience (4) Staff

Prerequisite: upper-division standing.
This course traces the transition of Chicanos from a rural to urban population and examines trends in family size, language usage, segregation, and social inequality among Chicanos residing in cities. Issues of urban decay and community conflict are also examined.

172. Legal Issues in the Chicano Community (4) Staff

Prerequisite: consent of instructor.
Survey of recent state and federal laws and court decisions affecting the Chicano community. Special consideration will be given to landmark cases and decisions. Analysis will be made of opposing views on each case in a historical context.

174. Chicano Politics (4) Staff

Prerequisite: upper-division standing. Same course as PoliticalScience 174.
Political life in the barrio, political behavior of the Chicano community, andrepresentation of Chicanos by elected officials and interest groups.

175. Comparative Ethnic Movements (4) Segura

The purpose of this course is to examine the structural forces which strengthen ethnic identification and promote ethnic politics within the United States and other nations. Although the Chicano movement will be the central focus, various ethnic movements will be examined.

178. Theories of Social Changes and Chicano Society (4) Segura

This course will examine the dynamics of social change and its impact on the chicano community. Students will acquire a general understanding of basic theories and an introduction to the social structure and processes of change (urbanization, social mobility, etc.).

180. Survey of Chicano Literature (4) Lomeli

The purpose of this course is to provide the student with a general overview of all the literature written by Chicanos by covering all genres: poetry, novel, theatre, short story, and essay. The course aims to portray a people's experience through literature and show how that experience is manifested in a given work.

181. The Chicano Novel (4) Lomeli

Reading, analysis and critique of the contemporary Chicano novel as it pertains to the Chicano experience.

186A-B. Music/Dance of the Chicanos (4-4) Staff

A historical perspective of Mexican and Chicano music and dance with emphasis on the indigenous cultures and other contributing cultural elements which combine to form traditional and contemporary Chicano music and dance.

187. Introduction to Chicano Theater and Performance (4) Broyles-Gonzalez

Prerequisite:. upper-division standing.
A survey of the major Chicano theater and performance forms ranging from the traditional to the avant-garde contemporary. The diverse forms of performance will be studied as art forms and with regard to their respective social functions within Chicano communities.

188A. Chicano Theater: Origins to 1970 (4) Broyles-Gonzalez

Prerequisites: upper-division standing or ChicanoStudies 1A, 1B, or 1C, or any lower-division drama course such as Dramatic Art 60 or 60S.
Survey of the origins and development of borderlands theater, from native ritual and Indian-Hispano antecedents to today's Chicano forms. The genesis of Chicano theater will also be studied in relationship to Chicano culture and history.


188B. Contemporary Chicano Theatrer (4) Broyles-Gonzalez

Prerequisite: upper-division standing or ChicanoStudies 1A, 1B, or 1C, Chicano Studies 188A, or any lower-division drama course such as Dramatic Art 60 or 60S.
An analysis of conemporary Chicano forms of theatrical expression, ranging from barrio performances to mainstream commercial productions. The creation and presentation of Chicano dramatic forms will be analyzed in relationship to economic and historical realities affecting them.

188C. Chicano Theater Workshop (4) Staff

Prerequisites: Chicano Studies 188A or 188B or consent of instructor, knowledge of Spanish and English.
Reading and analysis of contemporary bilingual Chicano plays, in conjunction with acting and technical training. A dramatic piece will be rehearsed and performed.

189. Immigration and the U.S. Border (4) Garcia, Vargas

Prerequisite: upper-division standing or consent of instructor.
An analysis of the socioeconomic and political factors which have determined and continue to form the basis for the development of United States immigration policies and practices toward Mexico and the U.S-Mexican border.

190. Introduction to Chicano Poetry and Short Story (4) Lomeli

Reading and appreciation of Chicano poetry and poets. Analysis and critique of the Chicano short story with discussions on the realities and values presented on the Chicano experience and universe by the author.

191AA-ZZ. Special Topics in Chicano Studies (4) Staff

Corse may be taken up to three times (12 units) providing the letter designations are different. Designed to allow courses of varying topics in areas of expertise of visiting professors to broaden opportuniies for students. Examples might be: immigration, Native American, Mexican, or Latin American influences on the Chicano, legal issues, the migrants.

192. Field Research (4-8) Staff

Prerequisites: lower-level ethnic studies, sociology and/or anthropology course work, open only to juniors and seniors, consent of instructor. Eight units maximum may be applied to major.
Internship in contemporary urban problems and decision-making processes as they affect the Chicano. Internship based on directed research through observation, participation, and relevant readings. Student individually assigned, instructed, and supervised in field-work involving practical experience in decision making unit of local governmental social service agencies, or of community liaison agencies.

193. Seminar (4) Prerequisites,. two courses in Chicano Studies, consent of instrucor prior to enrollment and upper-division standing. To be offered intermittentiy, Special topics in Chicano Studies.

194. The Chicano Worker (4)

Prerequisite: consent of instructor.
A comparative analysis of the economic status of Chicanos. Special attention is given to the employment situation of chicanas, Chicano youths, and Mexican immigrants. Key topics are job and industry concentration, income, unemployment, and under-employment.

195. Seminar: Problems in the History of Chicano Art (4) Favela

Prerequisites: either Chicano Studies 145 or 146; upper-division standing and consent of instructor.
A definition of Chicano art will form the focus of this seminar. Students will conduct primary research and analyze pluralistic facets of Chicano art, artists, and art criticism within the context of mainstream American art and culture.

196. Practicum: Analysis of Chicano Survey Data (4) Staff

Prerequisite: upper-division standing.
The course allows students an opportunity to conduct their own research project. With instructor supervision, students will formulate and exercute (through use of the computer) an analysis of data from an existing Chicano survey.

197. Topics Seminar: Education of the Chicano (4) San Miguel

Survey of the relationship between the schools and the Chicano child. Also included will be information on theories, methods, and resources necessary for developing and evaluating effective teaching strategies in meeting the educational needs.

198. Readings in Chicano Studies (1-4) Staff

Prerequisites: students must 1) have attained upper-division, standing, 2) have a minimum 3.0 grade-point average for the preceding three quarters; 3) have completed at least two upper-division courses in Chicano Studies. Students are limited to five units per quarter and 30 units total in all 198/199 courses combined.
Readings in Chicano studies under the guidance of a faculty member in the department, Students must prepare a short plan of study and have it approved by the sponsoring faculty member.

199. Independent Studies (1-5) Staff

Prerequisites: students must 1) have attained upper-division standing, 2) have a minimum 3.0 grade-point average for the preceding three quarters, 3) have completed at least two upper-division courses in ChicanoStudies. Students are limited to five units per quarter and 30 units total in all 198/ 199 courses combined.

596. Directed Reading and Research (2-6) Staff

Prerequisite. Graduate standing and consent of instructor.
Independent research involving advanced study on a particular Chicano studies topic. A written proposal must be approved by the department chair. Number of units depends on nature of the proposal.

University of California at Santa Barbara

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My Wife Had A Book Signing In San Antonio

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